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En la prosodia de la lengua amahuaca (pano, Perú), identificamos un tono léxico que contrasta con la ausencia de tono (H vs. Ø) y una estructura métrica basada en la formación de pies trocaicos de izquierda a derecha. Estos rasgos interactúan de tal manera que la estructura tonal de las raíces cambia en palabras morfológicamente complejas, lo que evita que los tonos altos recaigan en sílabas pares, es decir, no prominentes. Aunque el tono léxico de las raíces amahuaca puede ser clasificado como un sistema tonal, la estructura métrica de la palabra no satisfaría el principio de culminatividad, que asume la presencia de una sílaba con máxima prominencia prosódica (acento primario) en palabras con dos o más pies métricos bien formados. 

The languages of the Pano and Takana families exhibit a considerable number of lexical and structural affinities that cannot be ascribed to mere chance and are not readily detectable instances of borrowing. After the comparative studies by Key (1968) and Girard (1971) the proposal of a genetic relationship between these two families was generally accepted (e.g. Loos 1973, 2005; Suárez 1973; Kaufman 1990; Campbell 1997). Without solid argumentation, however, this classification was later put into question (Fabre 1998; Loos 1999; Fleck 2013) and, even today, there is no full consensus as to whether the observed similarities are due to genetic inheritance or long-term language contact. The present paper offers lexical and grammatical evidence in support of the hypothesis that Pano and Takana are genetically connected. Comparing for the first time what can be considered Proto-Pano and Proto-Takana reconstructions, it is shown that 18 of the 40 items in the basic vocabulary list proposed by the Automated Similarity Judgment Program (asjp) (Holman et al. 2008) might be cognate; this includes 9 body-part terms. Also, a set of alleged grammatical cognates are assembled, and shared constructions involving motion verbal morphology, intransive and transitive auxiliaries, transitivity harmony restrictions, and switch-reference are discussed. 

El idioma originario amahuaca (familia lingüística pano, Perú) exhibe un inusual sistema de marcación de caso tripartito según el cual los sujetos de verbos intransitivos y transitivos son señalados mediante los enclíticos =x y =n, respectivamente, mientras que los objetos no registran marca morfológica alguna (Sparing-Chávez, 2007/2012; Clem 2019a; entre otros). Otra propiedad sobresaliente de este sistema es la diversidad de realizaciones que presentan los nominales al alojar a los marcadores de caso explícitos; este es, justamente, el tema principal del presente artículo. Aunque a primera vista pareciera que nos encontramos frente a una serie de manifestaciones erráticas, nuestro análisis demuestra que las realizaciones de los nominales marcados son altamente predecibles, especialmente cuando postulamos la presencia de una consonante latente que emerge fonéticamente ante =x y =n. Desde una perspectiva diacrónica, sostenemos que esta variabilidad alomórfica se relaciona con una regla propuesta por Shell (1975), que habría afectado a los trisílabos de la protolengua. 

Although language-family specific traits which do not find direct counterparts outside a given language family are usually ignored in quantitative phylogenetic studies, scholars have made ample use of them in qualitative investigations, revealing their potential for identifying language relationships. An example of such a family specific trait are body-part expressions in Pano languages, which are often lexicalized forms, composed of bound roots (also called body-part prefixes in the literature) and non-productive derivative morphemes (called here body-part formatives). We use various statistical methods to demonstrate that whereas body-part roots are generally conservative, body-part formatives exhibit diverse chronologies and are often the result of recent and parallel innovations. In line with this, the phylogenetic structure of body-part roots projects the major branches of the family, while formatives are highly non-tree-like. Beyond its contribution to the phylogenetic analysis of Pano languages, this study provides significative insights into the role of grammatical innovations for language classification, the origin of morphological complexity in the Amazon and the phylogenetic signal of specific grammatical traits in language families.